Contribution of Swiss Communist Party

Dear Comrades,

The Swiss Communist Party is pleased to take part in this new conference of European Communist Action, which examines the question of imperialism on the occasion of the two-year anniversary of the outbreak of war in Ukraine. There is indeed a very inseparable connection between developments in the imperialist system, particularly over the last thirty years, and Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine. We need to investigate this relationship in detail and debunk the various narratives that seek to explain the war by denying its imperialist character or by abusively deforming the term "imperialist". On the other hand, this war in particular raises questions about the strengthening of nationalism in the territories of the former Soviet Union and the importance that socialism played in resolving the national question and guaranteeing peace between peoples in the twentieth century. It is important to note the continuity between the revisionism of the Soviet leadership from Khrushchev onwards, the overthrow of socialism completed by Gorbachev and the opportunist platform being incorporated into the BRICS capitalist geopolitical bloc.

As Lenin summarised in 1916, "if imperialism were to be defined as briefly as possible, it would have to be said that it is the monopoly stage of capitalism". His extraordinary theoretical contribution is to have connected the imperialist phenomenon of the First World War and the historical formation of capital, presenting the entire thing as a coherent system. We must continue the study of imperialism on this basis, as well as with the parameters that Lenin analysed in his book: the concentration of capital, the financial oligarchy, the export of capital, international capitalist unions, the partition of the world, etc. We must also analyse new phenomena by connecting them to our analysis of imperialism. For example, the exploitation of migrant labour, or elsewhere the question of diasporas, is analogous to the partition of colonies in the past, in the knowledge that each of these phenomena has its own characteristics. We might also add that one of the aims of annexing or incorporating new territories into a geopolitical bloc is to control increasingly vast sectors of the labour force exploitable by capital. This constitutes an extremely important potential power of these labour forces in the anti-imperialist struggle. This example shows us that we need to deepen our study of imperialism in its current characteristics.

For two years now, imperialism and its contradictions have been the cause of the war in Ukraine, where the United States, the European Union and NATO on the one hand, and Russia and its allies on the other, are in confrontation. The historical trajectory since the fall of the USSR is not necessarily the one that was desired by all the parties to the conflict, but the development of the monopolies within the framework of the laws of capital is not free of the contradictions that lead to war. In this case, it was indeed the extension of the influence of the capitalist monopolies in the Western sphere, on the one hand, and the growing strength of the Russian capitalist monopolies, in alliance with China and sectors of European capital, on the other, which caused friction between the two blocs. On this basis, the Leninist use of the term "imperialist" is inadequate to describe the war policy of one sector or another. Capitalist governments are determined by the capitalist monopolies and act according to their interests, sometimes in negotiation, sometimes in confrontation. It is important to underline here that imperialist peace can succeed imperialist war and vice versa, which is not in the interests of the international working class.

The capitalist dimension is incontestably clear to all those involved in the current war scenario. The conditions for NATO membership, for example, meet capitalist criteria for political and economic integration. On the part of the Russian leadership, it is obviously a question of defending the interests of the Russian capitalist monopolies, consolidating "decommunisation" in the territories of the former Soviet Union and trying to reach an agreement between the two disputing blocs. Yet the opportunist platform categorically denies the capitalist-imperialist character of the current confrontation. It proposes a completely fantasist explanation which has no scientific basis. Its discourse alienates sectors of the working class in favour of nationalist-conservative forces around the world. Perhaps the most surprising aspect of its evolution is its ideological and historical relationship with Khrushchevian and Gorbachevian revisionism. The project of a multipolar world is very similar to the policy of peaceful coexistence or a common European home. From a materialist point of view, their continuity is obvious. And yet it claims to originate from anti-revisionist struggles. This is the greatest contradiction of this opportunist platform. Its aspiration to incorporate a new ruling class, in exchange for betraying the interests of the working class, is finally radically manifest. His supposed anti-revisionist struggle in fact only masked his profound disconnection from the working class.

In the inter-imperialist confrontation, the disputing blocs engaged in a propaganda war that had an impact on the masses. The national question seems to be resurfacing, but in a purely demagogic form, particularly in the territories of the former Soviet Union. In this respect, it is very important to respond strongly to Putin's defamatory allegations against the Bolsheviks. It was socialism that made it possible to resolve the national question, by recognising the right of peoples to self-determination, within the framework of a policy of true friendship between peoples. The Russian leaders are launching an ideological battle, in the context of the invasion of Ukraine, which we must fight, as has been indicated in several joint statements by the Communist and Workers' Parties. It would be judicious to deepen this subject in relation to the fact that it is capital's own development which has set back the national question and which, today, is seriously undermining its full resolution in Russia, Ukraine and elsewhere. At the same time, we can consider that the alliance with bourgeois forces, as advocated by the opportunist platform, is not only an abdication of the socialist revolution but also a serious attack on the right of peoples to self-determination or, in other words, to national liberation.

Finally, we want to conclude our contribution by addressing the relationship between our Leninist analysis of imperialism, the possibility of the overthrow of capitalism and the need to develop the class struggle, with a revolutionary perspective. To this end, we would like to borrow the words of Che Guevara, a prominent communist symbol of revolutionary determination. He said: "Ultimately, we must take into account the fact that imperialism is a world system, the supreme stage of capitalism, and that it must be defeated in a great world confrontation. The strategic goal of this struggle must be the destruction of imperialism". With this in mind, the Latin American revolutionary advocated a proletarian internationalism and the development of class struggle, not only in the imperialist centres but also in the oppressed countries. Even in his time, he felt that the indigenous bourgeoisies had lost their capacity to oppose imperialism as a system. He expressed it forcefully as "socialist revolution or caricature of revolution".

We can close as follows. We are right to be intransigent about the strategic objective, which is the total destruction of imperialism through class struggle against the monopolies, the bourgeois classes and imperialist war. There can be no compromise with bourgeois-nationalist forces who are not at all consistent in their confrontation with US imperialism. The working class must draw its own path for the overthrow of capitalism, for socialism, which is more present and necessary than ever, and which opens the way to peace, friendship and mutual cooperation between peoples.